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The Roma

Legends assert that the Roma were birthed as a people, a thousand years ago. A Kaeron woman, tired of her people's murderous war, fled tothe woods of Thethynara where she encountered a great hunter. The hunter gave chase to the Kaeron (who at one point turned to a stag) andwhen he caught her she offered herself as his wife. They were married and gave birth to the first Roma children. These children, rife with themagic and the knowledge of their mother, married other noble humans, bringing their new spouses to live with their parents in the forest.

They moved around out of necessity, to both avoid the war that was approaching its climax, and to protect their maternal primogenitor. Every few generations, water nymphs and dryads were taken as brides, adding their knowledge and power to the Roma blood. The war ended, and the Roma grew in strength. The woods of Thethynara were theirs to safeguard - it was their home. But eventually people began to settle Thethynara and Perelinn, and an Empire was established. As more people began to flourish, Roma and non-Roma came into increasing contact. Roma, who considered themselves greater in purity than the non-Roma, would prey upon the people ofthese two emerging nations. They would steal from the non-Roma and con them of their belongings. Occasionally Roma would take especially bright and beautiful children, making them a part of the Roma. The non-Roma naturally retaliated, and so the Roma found themselves on the move- into other parts of Talanu. But life was no easier in the other nations and territories of Talanu. The north was too harsh for the Roma, and many nations where prejudiced against the Roma. The Roma wandered Talanu for close to a century, but they eventually returned to the forests of Thethynara. And the conflicts began again. Thethynara and Perelinn might well have embarked upon a path of genocide, ridding their forests of this race of thieves and liars forever, were itnot for a fateful event - invasion.

One night the forests of Thethynara opened to the realms of the Abyss and the Negative Material Plane. The Daemons and the Princes of the undead might well have over ran the Capital City of Perelinn had not the Roma been waiting and ready. Drawing upon the knowledge and secret powers passed down from mother to daughter and father to son, the Roma beat back the regents of darkness. Since that time, the Emperor has allowed the Roma reasonable leeway for their continued efforts against the forces of darkness.

Or maybe that is all just a story. There is yet another legend that claims the Roma have always traveled Talanu, and have taken up semi-permanent residence in the woods ofThethynara to watch over the maneuverings of the Imperial Capitol. Still another tale says that the Emperor's bride is always a Roma woman, and tribute to the Empire of Kar-Thone. Again, perhaps these are all just stories.

What is known of the Roma, from scholars and exiled Roma, follows.

Birth

The mother cannot be seen by any man except the husband before the baptism. The husband faces restrictions, too. He will often be prohibitedfrom going out between sunset and sunrise so that he may keep away from evil spirits, called tsinivari, which might attack the infant during thenight. These evil spirits might attack the new mother, also. Only other women, and never the husband or other men, are allowed to protect her.

The baptism takes place any time from a few weeks to a few months after birth, most commonly between two and three weeks. During thisinterim period, the mother and child are both isolated from the community. Before the baptism, the baby's name cannot be pronounced, it cannotbe sketched, and sometimes the baby's face is not even permitted to be shown in public. This period does not end until the baptism, when theimpurities are washed away by immersion in water. This is most frequently practiced by washing it in running water, an act that is separate fromany subsequent baptism. After washing, the child might be massaged with oil in order to strengthen it. In some cases, amulets or talismans areused to protect the baby from evil spirits.

After the purification by water, the infant formally becomes a human being and can then be called by a name. This name, however, is only one ofthree that the child will carry through his or her life. The first name given remains forever a secret. Tradition has it that this name is whispered bythe mother, the only one who knows it at the time of birth, and it is never used. The purpose of this secret name is to confuse the supernaturalspirits by keeping the real identity of the child from them. The second name is a Roma name, the one used among the Roma themselves. It isconferred informally and used only among Roma. The third name is given at a second baptism that takes place according to the dominant religionof the country in which the child is born. It has little importance for the Roma and it is only a practical necessity, to be used for dealing withnon-Roma.

Roma parents might be called unusually permissive raising their children, according to non-Roma standards. That is not to say that the years ofgrowing up are easy ones. The rigors and difficulties of the Roma existence serve to toughen the child. The growing child plays at will, improvisingentertainments. The child has a special place in the family, adored and cherished by his or her parents. It is the responsibility of everyone in thefamily unit to help raise the child. He or she learns whatever skills can be acquired from the mother or father, first by imitating them, and, finally, byhelping the parents whenever possible. He or she learns the ways of the Roma, too, by observation and, at a certain point, participation.

Marriage

Engagements

In spite of myths of Roma immorality, most Roma follow strict rules of sexual behavior. He or she is expected to marry someone within theirparticular tribe and most Roma conform by marrying within their group. Even with respect to other Roma, permissible marriage choices may berestricted. This is a way of maintaining family and social purity. If a Roma male marries a gadji, his community may eventually accept her, providedthat she adopts the Romani way of life. But it is a worse violation of the marimé code for a Roma female to marry a gadjo, because Roma womenare the guarantors for the survival of the population. In the case of a mixed marriage, many tribes consider the children Roma only if the father isRoma. Traditionally, marriages for Roma have occurred early, after age nine but usually before age fourteen.

The family plays an active part in marriage formalities that, to non-Roma eyes, may seem lengthy and elaborate. First, there are prolongeddiscussions between the parents, particularly over the amount of the darro, or dowry. This is a sum meant to compensate for the potential earningpower of the bori, or daughter-in-law, who has been taken from her family to join that of her new in-laws.

Physical appearance is least important in selecting a bride. The prospective brides are judged on their merits, such as health, stamina, strength,dispositions, manners, and domestic skills. The character of the girl's family, as well as their prestige in the community, is also taken into account.

They will usually send a third, uninvolved person to hear out the girl's parents on the acceptability of the young man. Rejection of a formal proposalis considered a disgrace. If all goes well, the father of the boy then calls on the father of the girl. It is a polite and rather serious meeting. Thepurpose is to obtain the formal consent of the girl's father, and to establish a price to be paid for the bride. This money is to compensate the fatherfor the loss of his daughter, and not as the purchase of a bride.

The discussion can be a long one, centering on the estimated value of the future bride. All the future bride's desired qualities are taken intoconsideration. In addition, the girl's father calculates how much his daughter has cost him since birth, since he is in effect giving her away. Hismoney and training have helped make her what she is. At these meetings, the discussions can become quite serious. Sometimes it is necessaryto call in friends as witnesses to the bride's good qualities. They may argue for a higher price on her behalf, or to call in other friends to mediate.

Pliashka

When an agreement is reached, and the bride price is accepted, the meeting ends with the father of the future bride drinking a symbolic glass ofwine. This means that the boy has been formally approved as a husband for his daughter, under the agreed conditions. Following the formalagreement of terms, there is often a banquet, complete with music, singing, and dancing. The bride-to-be and her family often feign great sorrowat having to leave each other. The groom's family may complain about the high bride price they had to pay. In the end, they decide that the price isfair for a bride who will be a good wife to their son.

Frequently, a few days after the agreement has been made, a ceremony called a pliashka, or plotchka, is held. This event is attended by bothfriends and relatives of the couple. The symbol of this joyous celebration is a bottle of wine or brandy wrapped in a brightly colored silkhandkerchief, brought to the ceremony by the young man's father. A necklace of gold coins is traditionally attached to the bottle. The groom-to-be'sfather takes the necklace of coins and puts it around the future bride's neck, and warmly embraces his future daughter-in-law, or bori. Thenecklace makes it clear to all that the girl is now engaged and not available as a bride to any other man. The groom-to-be's father drinks from thebottle and passes it around to the guests. When the bottle is emptied, it is refilled with wine or brandy for use at the wedding celebration.

The wedding itself, called the abiav, is largely a symbolic act, with no religious significance. Though Roma conform to local laws and customs inthe countries in which they marry, the non-Roma religious or civil ceremonies are formalities for them. The mere fact that two people have agreedto live together and share their lives together constitutes marriage, and no formal ritual is required. This does not mean that they do not takemarriage seriously. They simply do not believe in the importance of a formal wedding ceremony under the jurisdiction of a church or a state.Ordinary civil and religious marriages are becoming more frequent, if only to round off a traditional ceremony.

There is a traditional but simple wedding ceremony performed the Roma. The young couple sit down, surrounded by relatives and friends. Asmall amount of salt and bread is then placed on the knees of the bride. The groom takes some of the bread, puts salt on it, and eats it. The bridedoes the same. The union of salt and bread symbolizes a harmonious future together for the groom and bride.

The informal, joyous festivities celebrating the marriage can go on for several days. A huge feast is served on these happy occasions. There issometimes an open fire over which whole boar, sides of beef, game, chicken, or goose are roasted. If it is available, hedgehog may be served,although this traditional dish has fallen from favor in recent times. There might be huge platters of fried potatoes and boiled cabbage stuffed withrice and chopped meat, with herbs and garlic. Drink, too, is served as generously. Musicians play traditional rhythmic tunes and there are songsand dances.

Wedding gifts almost always consist of money. Some families may save much of their money to present as gifts at weddings. These money giftswill help the new couple start their new lives together somewhat financially secure.

When the celebration has ended, it is time for the groom to take his bride to his home. The bride's family kisses the girl and they weep as theyunbraid her hair, a symbol for her new marital status. Her new mother-in-law helps the bride knot her diklo, or head scarf, a sign that she is amarried woman. She is never seen again without this diklo in public.

Marriages among Roma are serious commitments, and there are strict obligations on both sides. If a girl is found guilty of adultery, she must betaken back by her parents, who, in addition, must return the bride price to the husband's father. Infidelity in marriage historically has had seriousconsequences for the wife, including corporal punishment or a sentence of marimé. If the girl's father feels she has been mistreated by herhusband or her in-laws, he has the right to take her away. In many cases, these complaints are heard before the kris before a final settlement is made.

Death

There are many superstitious omens of death, the most common of which is the cry of the owl. A more certain sign of death is serious illness.When Roma feel that one of their group is about to die, word is urgently sent to all relatives, no matter how far away they might be. Through fixedcontact points called vurma, Roma are able to find one another in time of need, even without fixed homes. When an emergency arises, relativesand friends are contacted, especially in the case of death. All relatives who can possibly do so appear at the bedside of the person who isreaching the end of his life. It is necessary to show family solidarity, and to obtain forgiveness for any harmful act they might have committedtoward the dying in the past. There must be no danger of a lingering hidden envy or secret resentment on the part of those who are about to begina journey to the world of the dead.

The dying Rom must never be left alone. This is not only out of compassion for his condition, but also for fear of possible anger. He must not die inhis or her habitual place. Roma traditionally move the death bed in front of the tent or caravan, usually under an improvised canopy. Relatives andfriends gather around the dying Rom, day and night. Other Roma in the camp take care of practical matters such as feeding the visitors andtracking down those friends or relatives who have been difficult to reach. Tears and lamentations are publicly displayed.

When death finally comes, the lamentation increases. From that time until the burial, certain traditional customs are observed. Above all, there istotal absorption in the mourning, with no distractions or activities. There is no washing or shaving or combing of the hair. No food is prepared. Onlythe drinking of coffee, brandy, or other liquors is permitted. Mirrors might be covered and vessels containing water emptied.

Touching the body of the deceased is discouraged, for fear of marimé, or contamination. Because of this he or she is washed and dressed, in thefinest clothes, immediately before death. If death has been unexpected and this has not been possible, a non-Roma, such as an undertaker, isusually called in to perform these tasks immediately following the death. Some families may plug the nostrils of the deceased with beeswax orpearls to prevent evil spirits from entering the body.

An important step is the gathering together of those things that will be useful to the deceased during the journey from life to be placed in the coffin.These can include almost anything, such as clothing, tools, eating utensils, jewelry, and money.

A small band plays marches, going ahead of the coffin. This band is followed by the widow or widower, other mourning relatives and, if localreligious customs must be followed, by a priest. As this procession enters the cemetery, the sobbing of the mourners increases. This display ofsorrow reaches its peak as the coffin is lowered into the grave. The mourners generally throw coins and handfuls of earth into the grave.

The color worn by mourners at Roma funerals is traditionally white or red. White has been thought of as a symbol of purity, of protection, and ofgood luck. Red, too, has symbolized protection against the evil spirits of the dead and has often been worn at Roma funerals. Roma feel that thecolor red brings good luck, probably because of the ancient belief that blood is the source of vitality and life. Red blouses and skirts are commonapparel for women at funerals among some families, and men often wear red kerchiefs around their necks. Red is also a dominant color in manyRoma funeral decorations.

There is inevitably a large crowd at a Roma funeral. It is an occasion for friends and family to unite, to wish the departed a good journey as he orshe enters a new life. Bards sometimes describe the elaborate funerals held for an "important" Roma. It must be remembered that a huge funeralis the rule and not the exception in Roma society, and all Roma are entitled to enormous funerals.

Following the burial, all material ties with the dead must be carefully destroyed. Whatever can be burned, such as clothing and linens, will beturned into ashes. Articles such as plates, cups, glasses, or jewelry that belonged to the dead will be broken or mutilated. Sometimes animals thatbelonged to the dead must be killed. Only the horse and one item of remembrance are usually excluded from this rule. This removes anypossibility of marimé from the deceased.

Since this obviously imposes great financial hardship on the surviving family, it has become more and more usual to sell these objects rather thandestroy them. They are never sold to Roma, and they should not be sold as to profit enormously from the death of a Rom. No Roma wouldconsider risking marimé, or contamination by accepting or buying them. There should be no trace of the deceased in the Roma camp orhousehold. Even the use of his or her name is avoided, except when absolutely necessary.

Another tradition following the funeral is a dinner called a pomana. It is an enormous meal, usually the first one eaten by the mourners since thedeath of their friend or relative. In some families, the deceased may be represented at these meals, by another person of the same age of thedeceased and dressed in a similar way. These pomana are held at various intervals, traditionally nine days, six weeks, six months, and, finally,one year after the death. At each of these pomana, certain relatives, beginning with the most distant ones, announce their intention to end theirperiod of mourning. Last to do so, after one year, are the deceased's immediate family.

According to traditional Roma beliefs, life for the dead continues on another level. However, there is a great fear among the survivors that thedead might return in some supernatural form to haunt the living. It is for this reason that the name of the dead should not be mentioned, that thebody should not be touched, and that all objects (save one) that belonged to the dead must be destroyed. The survivors must be protected in everyway from the evil marimé spirits that the dead can emit. To avoid this, stones or thorn bushes are sometimes placed around the grave.

The Roma believe that the soul of the dead might be reincarnated in another man or animal. Most feared of all is the possible reappearance of thedead as a muló or "living dead." Unless strict precautions are taken, this muló might escape from the body and seek revenge on those who hadharmed him when living or had caused his death.

A belief in the supernatural obviously plays a significant role in many aspects of Roma life. However, of all their rites, the customs and ritualsconnected with death are more filled with fear and superstition than any others.

Occupations

For a collective economic effort, Roma may form a purely functional association, the kumpaniya, whose members do not necessarily belong tothe same family. Individually, many Roma are peddlers, especially in Thethynara. Some sell goods they have bought cheaply. Others sell what theymake themselves.

There are certain staple Roma occupations, such as horse trading, metalworking, dealing in scrap metal, and vegetable or fruit picking in somecountries. In gaining a livelihood, the women play their full part. It is they who often sell their wares from town to town and who do the fortune telling.

Generally, Roma occupations are divided by sex. Men are the artisans while women offer services, such as fortune telling, and selling what themen produce. It is the women who bring in the money, and the women who are largely responsible for managing it.

The Roma have traditionally sought work that could be done on the move, work that required little equipment, as well as work that did not call foryear-round attention. Because of this, agriculture, which would have necessitated permanent residence, had never interested them until recenttimes, when Roma began to take on occasional summer jobs as itinerant farm workers.

Roma commercial activities generally require a minimum of conformity to local administrative procedures and the possession of necessarycultural skills. It is, for example, necessary to speak the language of the people with whom you wish to do business and have a good knowledge oflocal customs.

Roma vendors have always been a common sight near Roma encampments. Because the movements and travels are often uncertain for thenomadic Roma, it is difficult to build up a steady clientele in any one place. For this reason, they are forced to try to sell their wares to passersby,or by going from town to town. The articles they sell are generally of minor value, such as baskets, brooms, rakes, and cooking utensils.

Metalworking

One area in which Roma have traditionally excelled is that of metalwork. They have been known as metalworkers from the beginning of theirhistory. The art of the forge is an ancient one and the Roma seem to have originally learned this art while in Trall-Goth. They have made nails,tools, arms, and cooking equipment. They have been skilled at plating objects with tin, or embossing and engraving jewelry. In Grengon andCaerbreddyn, they have been gold washers, collecting gold deposits from river bottoms. The Roma have been experts in all forms of metalwork,whether it be as tinsmiths, coppersmiths, or silversmiths.

Roma have not only been master metalworkers, but they have also shown great ingenuity in devising relatively light equipment, such as forges andhammers. These tools are necessary to their work and are specifically designed to be easily transported. Knife grinding, or blade sharpening, is acommon occupation for many Roma, and Roma can be frequently seen sharpening scissors and knives with their portable whet-stone wheels onstreet corners.

Animal Trainers

Just as Roma have always shown an affinity with working with metal, they have long been renowned as horse dealers. The horse has always beenan important economic factor in the life of the Roma. Because horses are essential for migration, their care and treatment were of greatimportance. The skills of the Roma in tending and curing the illnesses of horses have served them for centuries. Often they would trade a goodhorse for a less healthy one, collecting needed money for the difference. By caring for these sick horses and putting them into good condition, theywere later able to sell them for a far higher price than the price originally paid. In Saelis, some Gitano groups were famous for clipping horses andmules with shearing scissors, improving the animal's appearance. It was once common among the country people of Eastern Kar-Thone tobypass the village veterinarian and visit a Rom to cure an ailing horse or mule.

The Roma made a specialty of attending horse fairs. These were major occasions in their lives, occasions for social gathering as well asbusiness. They were adept at pointing out the advantages of their own horses, which had been carefully taken care of before the fairs, andminimizing their defects. By the same token, they knew how to emphasize the disadvantages of those horses they were interested in buying,thereby bringing down their prices.

The annual Appleby Fair in the second week in Kossiama, on the banks of the River Ursun near the Capitol City of Perelinn, is still an importantfair for the Roma.

There are about fifteen fairs a year which the Roma regularly attend in Kar-Thone. Some other fairs include Horsemonden in Estarrolan and theMidsummer Fair, which is one of the largest and oldest in Caerbreddyn.

Next to the horse, the animal the Roma have shown great interest in is the bear. Because of this, Roma traditionally have found work as bearleaders, men who could train bears for entertainment purposes. It was not an uncommon sight to see a Rom leading a dancing bear through thestreets and collecting coins from amused passersby.

Musicians and Dancers

Roma are also noted as entertainers, especially as musicians and dancers. Roma musicians and dancers have made genuine contributions tothe non-Roma world. The instruments traditionally preferred by Roma musicians have been the lute and percussion instruments such as thecymbalom and drums.

The Roma skill at improvisation is well known. Roma, with their virtuoso lute players and cymbalom players, developed a style that has come tobe taken as the hallmark of Roma music.

There is another, quite different type of music that is authentically Roma, a highly rhythmic progression of tones in which few or no instruments areused. The dominant sound is often that of clapping hands. This music greatly influenced the flamenco, a dance that originated in Thethynara andwhich has become famous throughout Talanu. From Thethynara this style spread across the Empire of Kar-Thone and then to Târiq, untilflamenco song, dance, and lute playing became a generally accepted form of popular entertainment. This stirring music and dance, performed byproud men and women stamping their feet and snapping their fingers with awesome intensity and passion, is largely associated with the Gitanos.Nonetheless, as with so much Thethynaran music, what the Roma did was to adapt and popularize a dramatic and exciting dance form that istraditionally Thethynaran and not Romani.

Fortune Telling

The occupation for which the Roma have always been most famous is the woman's activity of fortune telling. Indeed, the classical and mostfamiliar image of the Roma is that of the fortune teller.

Roma have been known to perform many kinds of predictions. They have read tea leaves, seen visions in crystal balls, analyzed the future fromreading cards, and from interpreting the significance of numbers, or numerology. They have practised palmistry, judging a person's fate, character,and aptitudes from the shape of hands and fingers and the designs of lines in the hand. Though they claim that their great powers of predictioncome from supernatural sources, the real skill of fortune tellers lies in their remarkable abilities in judging human character and in manipulatinghuman desires. She knows that most people remember what comes true and forget what does not. She knows, too, that she is capable of addingan exotic, exciting element to the life of the gadje. To please their believing clients, they most often predict a favorable future. There will often bemysterious warnings of perils that might well be avoided by preventatives provided, of course, by the Romni. As a rule, Roma never practice theirskills as "fortune tellers" on other Roma.

Roma do, however, believe in their powers, as exemplified by their use of curses, called amria, and healing rituals. The real practitioners of thesepowers are called Drabardi.

Good luck charms, amulets, and talismans are common among Roma. They are carried to prevent misfortune or heal sickness. The female healerwho prescribes these traditional cures or preventatives is called a drabarni or drabengi. Some Roma carry bread in their pockets as protectionagainst bad luck, or bibaxt, and supernatural spirits or ghosts, called muló.

Any number of herbs, called drab, are used for the prevention or cure of various diseases. Herbalism may be practiced by both sexes. Some ofthese herbs, called sastarimaskodrabaró, actually have medicinal value in addition to their supernatural qualities.

Host countries generally view fortune telling as swindling. Many host countries have reacted to this traditional Roma practice by banning fortunetelling.

Roma in Thethynara and Perelinn

Generally, the Thethynara and Perelinnian Roma do not lead a full-time nomadic existence. The men generally work on short-term jobs that donot require them to stay in one place for any length of time. They have been able to find such jobs since they will accept work that many gadje willnot do. They insist on maintaining their independence by generally refusing work that will tie them to non-Roma employers.

Today, in Kar-Thone and elsewhere, Roma have become skilled in professions that offer some degree of independence and mobility, whilemaintaining their social and cultural identity and ties. The Roma have survived over a thousand years by providing services to the non-Romapopulations, adjusting and accommodating their skills to new surroundings when required. They continue to survive, despite persecution andcensure, and they continue to adapt to a changing world, ensuring their continued existence.

Beliefs

Religion and Superstitions

The Roma cannot be said to have a "religion" of their own. They have usually adopted the faiths of the countries in which they live. Among theRoma can be found worshippers of human gods, elven gods, halfling gods, and even Târiq's Ilâh. Many prefer to carry out religious rituals in theirown homes or in the context of folk observances.

Though they have, for practical purposes, adopted the religions of those with whom they have come into contact, formal religion is oftensupplemented by faith in the supernatural, in omens and curses. This body of superstitions varies among different Roma groups, but it is to someextent a factor in the lives of all of them.

Since Roma feel that illness is an unnatural condition, called prikaza, there are many supernatural ways in which they believe disease can beprevented or cured. One method of lowering a fever has been to shake a young tree. In this way the fever is transferred from the sick person'sbody to the tree. Another method to bring down fever has been to drink powdered portions of certain animals, dissolved in spirits, to theaccompaniment of a chant. Some beliefs include carrying a mole's foot as a cure for rheumatism, and carrying a hedgehog's foot to prevent atoothache. Any number of herbs, called drab, are used for the prevention or cure of various diseases. Herbalism may be practiced by both sexes.Some of these herbs, called sastarimaskodrabaró, actually have medicinal value in addition to their supernatural qualities.

Taboos

Most of Roma society relies heavily on distinctions between behavior that is pure, vujo or wuzho, and polluted, or marimé. Marimé has a dualmeaning to the Roma. It refers both to a state of pollution or defilement as well as to the sentence of expulsion imposed for violation of purity rulesor any behavior disruptive to the Roma community. Pollution and rejection are thus closely associated with one another. Pollution taboos, and theirnames, vary from group to group and often among smaller Roma units. Nevertheless, Roma define themselves in part by their adherence to thesecleanliness rituals. There may be class distinctions among some Roma, based on how strictly individuals or families maintain distinctionsbetween purity and impurity.

The marimé concept applied to personal hygiene means "dirty" or "polluted."

Many of the traditional laws of hygiene deal with water. For example, Roma must wash only in running water. A shower would be acceptable, buta bath would not be, for the person would be sitting or lying in dirty, stagnant water. Dishes cannot be rinsed in the same sink or basin that is usedfor washing personal clothing. The kitchen sink is used only for washing dishes, and therefore it cannot ever be used for washing one's hands

Certain Roma families have set specific and very rigid rules for the drawing of water from a river or stream. The water from the farthest pointupstream, therefore the purest, is used for drinking and cooking. Working their way downstream, the water is used for washing dishes andbathing. Further down the stream water is used for washing or nourishing horses. Further down washing clothes is appropriate. In order to makecertain that there will be no impurities, separate pails are always used for the different uses of water.

There are remedies or punishments for a person who has become infected, or marimé. Minor offenses, clearly unintentional ones, can beforgiven by those present at the time the offense is committed. More serious ones must be dealt with by the community and, in some cases, by thekris.

Clothing

The stereotype of the Roma woman with the long, colorful skirt, the heavy earrings, and often a flower in her hair has some basis in fact. It is probable that long skirts were once thought of as protection against sexual advances. These skirts are generally of bright colors, often consistingof many layers.

Except for color, a woman does not have a varied wardrobe. Among many tribes, if a woman is married she must display that fact by keeping her head covered by a diklo, or head scarf. Women usually allow their hair to grow long. Their hair may then be braided or rolled into a bun on theback of the head. Roma women usually wear jewelry, not only for its beauty, but for its intrinsic value - they feel most secure carrying theirvaluables on their own persons. Traditionally, acquired wealth has been converted into jewelry or gold coins called galbi, the latter sometimesworn on clothing as adornments, or woven into the hair.

As for men, there is really no characteristic clothing. Since the head is regarded as the body's focal point, many Roma men draw attention to it bywearing large hats and wide mustaches. For festive occasions, they will wear a good suit of clothes and show a preference for bright colors. Mostof them own one suit of clothes at a time and wear it until it is frayed. A brightly colored neck scarf may be worn on special occasions. Generally,however, their clothing is indistinguishable from that of the gadje among whom they live or travel.

Food

Traditionally the eating habits of Roma have been conditioned by their nomadic way of life. Their diet has consisted largely of what was readily available. This included wild fruits, berries, leafy plants, mollusks, and small mammals. As the Roma have gradually come into greater contact withpeople of the cities, their eating habits have conformed more and more to those of the non-Roma.

A day will generally begin with very strong tea, heavily sweetened with sugar. Tea is a staple of Roma existence for many families, and many cupsmay be taken in the course of a day. There is usually no lunch, and dinner is served at sunset, or, since the food is generally on the stove allafternoon, whenever anyone is hungry. The basic element of this dinner is a thick, fatty vegetable soup, or stew, with any available vegetables orgreens put into it. It is usually made even more hearty by the addition of potatoes, rice, or pasta. Sometimes meat is served, generally broiled orcooked on a spit. Game, such as rabbit and game fowl, are enjoyed when possible. Garlic is a very commonly used seasoning. Water and wineare the most often served beverages during the course of a meal.

Ceremonial events such as christenings, marriages, and religious festivals are occasions for community activity and sharing. Enormousquantities of food and drink are consumed during these celebrations, and the preparation is long and enthusiastic. A favorite Roma dish hastraditionally been roasted hedgehog. It has a rich and succulent meat with a pork-like flavor, which is also enjoyed by some non-RomaKar-Thonians. Ideally, this animal is flavored with garlic and placed skin and all above burning hot coals or stones. In this way, it cooks in its ownjuices. When the roasting is completed, the animal's prickles are shaved or picked off and the skin is peeled back. The meat is served,sometimes wrapped in aromatic leaves. Chicken and other fowl can also be cooked this way.

Marimé taboos extend to animals as well, from the edibility of certain types of meat to pet ownership. Romaniya prohibits cruelty to animals andthey may only be killed for food. The Roma consider eating horse flesh a serious offense. The exclusion of horse meat has more to do with respectthan to marime, the horse has been so important to the Roma's mobility and survival in the past.

Dogs and cats are considered polluted because of their unclean living habits. Roma consider cats particularly unclean because they lick theirpaws after burying their feces. The critical concern, as with dogs licking themselves, is that the uncleanliness of the external world may defile thepurity of the inner self if it is permitted to enter the body through the mouth. Cats are also a sign of impending death to many tribes. If a cat setsfoot in a home a purification ceremony may be required. Dogs are also unclean, but to a lesser extent. Dogs are tolerated outside the housebecause of their value as watchdogs. Familiars are always tolerated (though cats and owls are still frowned on), as they are believed to possesthe spirits of departed loved ones.

Owls are considered portents of death, just as with many non-Roma groups. In some tribes, the owl's cry is considered very bad luck, or bibaxt.For this reason, owls are avoided as food or pets.

Integration and Assimilation

The Roma are suspicious and afraid of being corrupted by gajikane influences. The fear is for their children, that contact with non-Roma will leadto the disintegration of traditionally strong family and community ties. The belief is that this will result in juvenile delinquency. Many Roma also fearthat public admission of being Roma in gajikane society will single them out for discrimination and persecution.

Among the Roma there are activists who see the gains made by non-Roma and want to share in these gains. They ask for the respect of thenon-Roma world and for equal job opportunities. The first step must be education. However, before education is possible, gadje will have toovercome their long hostility toward and misunderstanding of the Roma, and Roma parents will have to overcome their fear of corruption bynon-Roma.

Although the Roma have largely adapted to living surrounded by foreign cultures, their social organization fosters the separation of Roma fromnon-Roma. This separation places Roma at a great disadvantage - the Roma have tended to stay apart by choice. Many Roma are slowlyintegrating and participating in the mainstream of Kar-Thone culture without compromising their identity.

Although they need and depend on contacts with their host countries as a source of their livelihood, the Roma do not want to be part of thesesocieties in any sense that would involve compromise of their basic beliefs. If there is any semblance of compromise, it may be in the Romawillingness to adapt to the requirements of their surroundings. Many Roma fear that over time integration could lead to assimilation, and theeventual disappearance of their culture.

Law

Introduction

Roma sources consistently assert the superiority of their legal system, noting the following three elements:

1. Roma law acts as a cohesive force serving to protect Roma interests, rights, traditions, and ethnic distinctiveness;
2. Roma law is more democratic than any other law because it does not discriminate against individuals without financial or other influence; and
3. because Roma law has maintained its basic form, even though older methods of punishment have given way largely to banishment or social ostracism, it must be more nearly perfect than other laws, which appear to be undergoing constant change.

These attitudes have an impact on how the Roma approach conflicts with the gajikano legal system. Romaniya has no equivalent to the concept of conflict of laws. Roma law is self-contained and cannot incorporate rules of a foreign legal system. The gajikano legal system is equally insular so far as Romaniya is concerned. But unlike the gadje who know nothing about Romaniya, Roma are necessarily aware of gajikano law.

The Roma believe they should approach and respond to the gadje with caution, especially if the gadje profess good intentions, or claim to serve the best interest of the Roma. Roma are also cautious with gajikane notions of due process, civil rights, and neutrality of law. Furthermore, not only do the Roma consider non-Roma marimé, they also believe that Roma names and rituals lose their magical effectiveness if uttered to gadje. To the Roma, the purity of their law plays a crucial role in maintaining cultural identity and integrity.

Although the Romani people do not formally gather to pursue an objective, their need to survive as a distinct and isolated group provides them with a common purpose. Roma law ensures that the host country's legal systems and cultures minimally influence Roma life. Although Romaniya has sacred aspects that direct Roma to lead their lives properly by attaining a state of purity and preventing contamination, it does not advocate imposing its values on non-Roma. Its main purpose is to achieve a state of balance, or kintala, that pleases the spirits of the ancestors, or mulé. Conversion of the gadje would not make much sense because they and their ancestors are outside the Roma world.

Each Roma group can determine its own form of mediation. Each community is ruled by a chief, a man who is chosen for his age, experience, and wisdom. Some Roma call this chief Rom baro, meaning "Big Man." The chief of a Roma community is a man who inspires respect by his strength and intelligence, a man who by his own life sets an example for the other Roma. Often, the chief may be able to read and write to some extent. He settles minor disputes on the basis of his mature judgment, and his decisions are followed by other members of the community. However, if the matter to be settled is a serious one, such as theft, adultery, acts of physical violence, or complicated disputes between two parties (both Roma, of course), a court is convened. This court is called the kris.

Divano

Each chief handles all day-to-day conflicts within his population. When conflict emerges between Roma of different families, a divano may assemble. A divano is an informal proceeding where the chiefs of the various families try to mediate a dispute. The parties themselves are not required to attend, and they are not technically bound by the chief's suggestions. The contestants sometimes do bow to peer pressure and settle the case. Blatant disregard for the chiefs' recommendations could cost them the respect of the community.

When the Roma cannot settle a controversy amicably in a divano, a kris Roma may become necessary. In former times, the kris usually mediated three kinds of cases: property losses, matters of honor, and moral or religious issues, including disregard of marimé taboos. If the matter to be settled is a serious one, such as theft, defaults in payments of debts, adultery, acts of physical violence, serious marimé violations, or complicated disputes between two parties, a court is convened. This court is the most important moral force in Roma life.

Krisnitorya

The elders of the families will hold a meeting to select one or more men to act as the krisnitorya, or judges, for the kris. The plaintiff is allowed to choose the judge who will preside over his case, and the defendant has a right to veto that choice. The krisnitori, or judge, is surrounded by the members of the kris council, who act as associate judges. Generally, five or more men from both sides, usually the elders, form the council. The members of the court are the most respected and wisest men available at the time. Women are never included. Of these members, the eldest is generally chosen to preside at the hearings.

While the judges have been chosen because of their personal authority, they are expected to allow behavior that might be considered prejudicial or disruptive in gajikano trials. Participation by the audience is expected and encouraged by custom. Members of the audience, although not formally called as witnesses, may feel justified in expressing views. Whether their contribution to the proceedings is based on personal observation or opinion does not matter. Ultimately the judge weighs the value of the cumulative evidence to make rulings. Parties or witnesses will be perceived as credible if their statements have "the ring of truth." A person who can demonstrate in court that he or she has conformed to accepted communal standards may also be considered credible by the court.

The tribal chiefs are not necessarily aware of all the laws. These laws have never been written down or codified. They have been passed along for generations by word of mouth, but this fact makes the decisions nonetheless binding. The Roma interpret laws according to contemporary custom. Former interpretations of laws may be gradually revised as the needs of the community evolve. The exclusive reliance on oral transmission has led to a high degree of flexibility. Nevertheless, there is a shared feeling that the law is clearly defined. Few ever challenge this notion. This strict adherence to the law in part accounts for the continued cohesion of the Roma.

Kris Romani

Calling together a kris is an event of utmost importance in Roma life. In all cases, it is the aggrieved party who must request the kris, which is the held at a neutral site. The defendants and plaintiffs must represent themselves. Advocates are forbidden. If the alleged victim is old, sick, or very young, the victim's nearest male relative brings the case to the kris. If the welfare of the community demands joint action, the entire clan may be a plaintiff.

The audience of a kris was once largely male. Women and unmarried or childless men were allowed to attend only if they were needed as witnesses. It is now acceptable to have the entire family present for support. Witnesses may speak freely about the case. The Roma believe there can be no justice without hearing the matter out to its fullest. Exaggerated claims and ornate stories referring to folk tales and mythology are common. When members of the audience think the witness is not being truthful or responsive, they may hiss or make jokes. In some delicate matters, such as adultery, the public and witnesses can be excluded.

At a kris only Romani may be spoken. Furthermore, arguments are often presented in a special oratory that differs grammatically from ordinary Romani and resembles a legal jargon. When the accused testify on their own behalf they are expected to be truthful. The kris can further insure their honesty by invoking the magic power of the dead, or mulé, with an oath. If the witnesses must swear an oath, an altar of justice consisting of icons of the family present is erected. In complex situations, the judge may ask for expert opinions from family chiefs or the elders. Nonetheless, only the judge decides guilt and punishment.

Socially disruptive behavior may result in legal sanctions, including a sentence of marimé. In addition to strong taboos against exploiting or stealing from a fellow member of the Roma community, Roma consider crimes of violence and noncommercial association with gadje as crimes against Roma society as a whole and therefore marimé. A marimé label can be removed by the forgiveness of the offended party, the passage of time, or by another kris Romani. Readmission to Roma society following a sentence of marimé is cause for celebration.

Economic cases cover such issues as who has the right to engage in fortune telling in a specific territory. Roma believe that every Roma has the right to work. Accordingly, groups divide territory into economic units. Controversies may result when some Roma encroach on others' territory, and then a kris is called. A first-time offender may receive a warning by the kris. Repeated violations result in a sentence of marimé.

The judge declares the verdict in public to those who are present. If the accused is found innocent, there is a celebration and an oath of peace is sworn. The decision of the kris is final and binding. Even in countries such as Thethynara, where the Roma are considered by some gajikane scholars to be semi-assimilated, the verdict of an official trial is not final. A kris will still be held. Beyond its judicial function, the kris plays an important role in maintaining the customs of the Roma people.

If, at the end of a trial, the defendant is found to be innocent, there is great joy and relief in the community. A banquet may be held, and the former defendant has the right to propose the first toast. If, on the other hand, the defendant is found guilty, any number of different penalties might be invoked. These range from the largely symbolic one of having to pay all court expenses, including food and drink for the judges, to the most serious of all, permanent banishment from the community of Roma.

Punishment

The kris imposes punishment according to the seriousness of the offense. The death penalty, once an acceptable option, is now virtually unknown. The Roma believe that the angry spirit of the deceased may take revenge upon the executioner. In times when the death penalty was still employed, the entire community would participate in the execution to prevent revenge by the spirit. Today, the kris relies primarily on such sanctions as fines, corporal punishment, and banishment. The responsibility to pay a kris-imposed fine, called glaba, falls collectively on the wrongdoer's lineage. Corporal punishment, rarely employed today, is typically used only in cases of infidelity.

There are no jails or executioners in a Roma community. Perhaps the most severe punishment for a Roma is marimé, or banishment, from his own community. This banishment is achieved by declaring the offender marimé, a term that means socially rejected in its legal sense. It is considered a sentence of social death. Marimé stigmatizes all wrongdoers as polluted and justifies their expulsion from the community. The offender cannot have any social contact with other members of the family. The simple pleasures of Roma life, eating together and camaraderie, are forbidden, and the guilty party is condemned to live in the world of the non-Roma. No marriages are allowed for those stigmatized as marimé, and without marriage in Roma society one's economic and social life is over. When they die, no one will bury them, and they will not have a funeral. In many cases, not only the offender, but his or her own family as well, is declared marimé. This harsh punishment is a great deterrent to crime within the Roma community. It can last for days or years. It involves permanent loss of status and respect even when the guilty party has been reinstated. Permanent marimé is rare and used only for serious crimes such as murder.

A temporary marimé sentence may be imposed for less serious crimes. If a Rom steals from another Rom, for example, the thief is publicly shamed and banished from the community until he has repaid the victim. The kris may impose a form of "community service" and require the marimé Rom to work for an indefinite time without pay in order to compensate Roma society for violating the taboo of stealing from another Roma. Temporary sentences of marimé are also imposed for offenses such as familiarity with the gadje or failure to pay a debt on time.

In all cases of marimé, enforcement depends primarily on a superstitious fear of the consequences of violating the marimé rules. The individual who violates a marimé prohibition has succumbed to powers of evil and destruction that are so frightening that even his own family shuns him for fear of contamination. Such an individual becomes tainted and can be redeemed only by making the prescribed amends.

The entire Roma community is responsible for enforcing sanctions. Roma have no police or prisons. They have no "law enforcement" in the gajikano sense. Peer pressure fueled by communal knowledge of a verdict ensures compliance. The Roma community may place a curse on the guilty party to insure that he or she accepts the chosen punishment, and it appears that this practice is still effective. Only in rare cases, when the Roma have difficulty enforcing a judgment by the kris, do they turn to the gajikano penal system. The kris may ask the gajikane authorities to arrest the defendant. At this point, the accused will usually accept the punishment and the charges will be dropped. Should the wrongdoer persist, however, he or she might be forced to endure a gajikano court trial. Vindication by a non-Roma civil court does not erase a previous conviction by the kris in the mind of the Roma.